Montesquieu and the mine: an image of equilibrium
The mine is a subject that occurs repeatedly in Montesquieu¡¯s writings, and it is a subject that provides special insight into the thought patterns of the author of De l¡¯Esprit des lois. A careful examination of the two minor works where Montesquieu first studies the mine will help elucidate the importance of the mine in the author¡¯s great masterwork. Montesquieu¡¯s analysis of the mine in these earlier works anticipates his commentary in Book XXII of De l¡¯Esprit des lois and allows us better to understand the relationships that exists in Montesquieu¡¯s works between politics, economics and moeurs. Both the M¨¦moires sur les mines (1731 and 1751), which center on the technical workings of the mine, and the Consid¨¦rations sur les richesses de l¡¯Espagne (1728), which concentrate on the economic impact of precious metals, provide indicators for better penetrating the complexity, regularity, and thoroughness of Montesquieu¡¯s thought.[1] The mine assumes its place in a complex network of forces that shape the workings of the economy at a local and global level. The models that Montesquieu constructs, furthermore, strongly resemble the models of government outlined in De l¡¯Esprit des Lois and reveal some of his most deep-seated concerns. We will see that, in order to contribute to a healthy, stable economic system, the mine must help to create an equilibrium. This equilibrium, and its dependence on a fixed system of values, is one of the master themes in Montesquieu¡¯s work.
In the first of Montesquieu¡¯s M¨¦moires sur les mines, he studies the mine from the perspective of a chemist. He is intrigued by the transformation of iron into copper that takes place in certain wells located in the Hungarian mines. Montesquieu is very cautious in his approach to this strange phenomenon. He is intent on dispelling any notion of magical transformation or ¡°transmutation¡± of the iron. Rather he shows that there is a chemical exchange that takes place and that the quantity of copper deposited is exactly proportional to the amount of iron that is eliminated. He also emphasizes the great length of time that is necessary for this exchange to take place. He thus refutes the idea that this process could be used to convert iron into copper in a profitable way on a commercial scale.
Montesquieu is both an analytical and highly synthetic thinker, and here, as always, he devotes his attention to understanding all the factors involved in the equation.[2] His emphasis on the gradual character of the exchange is also noteworthy. Montesquieu is always anxious to avoid violent, sudden change. These two themes, the interplay of factors and the gradualness of change, are omnipresent in the political theory of De l¡¯Esprit des lois.
In the ¡°Continuation de mes m¨¦moires sur quelques mines que j¡¯ai vues,¡± Montesquieu turns his attention to the technological side of mining and describes a steam-powered machine. He subjects it to careful study both in its workings and its effect on the efficiency of the mine. Montesquieu¡¯s description of this machine also addresses its economic impact. He compares it with both horse and water power: ¡°La machine anglaise ne doit ¨ºtre employ¨¦e que dans les mines o¨´ il n¡¯y a pas assez d¡¯eau pour faire aller les machines ordinaires, et o¨´ l¡¯on est oblig¨¦ de se servir de chevaux¡± (336). Technological advance is of interest then only when it produces a real improvement in efficiency and profit. This type of assessment is present throughout Montesquieu¡¯s description of mines. He is always aware that at some level¡ªand he prefers that this be at a broad level¡ªthe mine must be profitable. It can then participate in a generally prosperous economy.
One of the factors that must enter into any calculation of profitability is the maintenance of the mine. Montesquieu examines the importance of this maintenance at length. As in his description of the steam machine, he stresses the necessity of regularity. Without constant, steady upkeep, the mine may be shut down:
[. . .] Il peut arriver de bien des mani¨¨res que les travaux cessent: une invasion, une dispersion des mineurs, la destruction des machines, le feu mis aux bois qui soutiennent la mine (et qui souvent suffiraient pour bâtir une ville), produisent cet effet. Si le dommage n¡¯est pas r¨¦par¨¦ sur-le-champ, les ouvriers qui restent, manquant de subsistence, ach¨¨vent de se disperser; les terres s¡¯¨¦boulent; les conduits se bouchent; les eaux s¡¯amassent, pourrissent les bois qui restent, et couvrent la mine. (343)
Again, as in his description of the iron-transforming spring, Montesquieu emphasizes the process that must be respected to derive riches from the mine. Wealth to be gained is only one part of the total picture; many other steps accompany the more visible and profitable step of extracting the desired metals.
As the last quotation indicates, Montesquieu is very aware of the miner¡¯s role in the mine. Here again is a factor that is less concerned with the final product of the mine than with the forces that lead up to that point. In the ¡°M¨¦moires sur les mines du Hartz dans les pays de Hanovre,¡± Montesquieu includes a study of the living and working conditions of the miners:
Depuis deux cents ans, ¨¤ Hanovre et en Hongrie, les salaires des ouvriers n¡¯ont pas augment¨¦, quoique les denr¨¦es aient beaucoup ench¨¦ri. Ils sont n¨¦s l¨¤-dedans et souffrent patiemment leur mis¨¨re, au lieu que les premiers mineurs ne purent ¨ºtre d¨¦termin¨¦s ¨¤ ce travail que par un profit consid¨¦rable. Ils sont soutenus l¨¤-dedans par une esp¨¨ce d¡¯honneur, s¡¯estimant plus que les autres artisans. Ils peuvent devenir officiers des mines; il y a 30 ou 40 de ces petits officiers, dont chacun peut avoir de 4 ¨¤ 15 ¨¦cus par semaine. Ils sont sûrs, d¡¯ailleurs, de ne pas manquer de pain, ni leur famille, quand ils sont vieux ou malades. Il y a une caisse particuli¨¨re pour les faire vivre, qui est fond¨¦e sur 4 pfennigs que l¡¯on retient sur le salaire de ceux qui travaillent, ¨¤ peu pr¨¨s comme ce qu¡¯on retient en France de la paye de nos troupes pour les Invalides. (339)
Montesquieu also describes the actual work of the miners, its physical demands, and the conditions that can lead to a reduction in the number of miners. Montesquieu¡¯s principal concern, as he examines the hardships endured by these men, is the incentive that can compel them to accept such conditions. In the passage we have just read, he mentions the pride and remuneration that come with being named officer. As always, Montesquieu tries to establish a balance between the satisfaction (both monetary and psychological) that the miners receive from their work and the demands it places on them.
Montesquieu completes his analysis of these copper mines with a consideration of the investors in the mine¡¯s operation. The economic impact of the mine extends far beyond its influence on the men who work there; its activity is important to the national economy and thus affects the trade balance on an international level. This comprehensive analysis is typical of Montesquieu, who is particularly adept at uncovering even the most distant repercussions of an apparently small modification. He thus returns to the implementation of the steam machine and shows that it may have a pernicious effect even if it does increase the efficiency of the mine:
Les grandes difficult¨¦s que l¡¯on trouve dans ces nouveaux ¨¦tablissements viennent des habitants du lieu: ceux qui louent des chevaux pour les mines, ceux qui vendent les provisions pour leur subsistance, ceux qui les font travailler, sont autant de gens qui ont leurs int¨¦r¨ºts ¨¤ d¨¦fendre. (336)
In affirming the mine¡¯s importance for the surrounding community, Montesquieu asserts that it may be in the nation¡¯s best interest to maintain even very poor mines. In the Consid¨¦rations sur les richesses de l¡¯Espagne, where Montesquieu condemns the overly rich mines of the New World, he describes the paradox of a mine that exists primarily for the work that goes into it and not for the metal it produces:
Ainsi j¡¯ai vu en Hongrie que quoique les mines d¡¯or, d¡¯argent et de cuivre ne donnent que les frais, n¨¦anmoins elles sont tr¨¨s utiles, parce que plac¨¦es dans un pays abondant en bl¨¦ et en vin, elles occupent dix mille hommes qui consomment une partie de ces denr¨¦es et font vivre trois ou quatre comt¨¦s. Le travail des mines en Hongrie fait valoir la culture des terres; le travail des mines en Espagne la d¨¦truit. (209)
Montesquieu thus looks beyond the immediate profit to be earned from the mine itself and considers its broader implications, concluding that even a very poor mine contributes to Hungary¡¯s economy and deserves the support of its ruler. The brilliance of his analysis is a result of his identifying the many factors that make up the whole problem.
This analysis of the mine reappers in De l¡¯Esprit des lois. In one of the chapters concerning slavery (Book XV, Chapter 8) Montesquieu cites the example of these mines to prove that slavery is never necessary, even for the hardest, most disagreable tasks:
Ce qui me fait penser ainsi, c¡¯est qu¡¯avant que le christianisme eût aboli en Europe la servitude civile, on regardait les travaux des mines comme si p¨¦nibles, qu¡¯on croyait qu¡¯ils ne pouvaient ¨ºtre faits que par des esclaves ou par des criminels. Mais on sait qu¡¯aujourd¡¯hui les hommes qui y sont employ¨¦s vivent heureux. On a, par de petits privil¨¨ges, encourag¨¦ cette profession; on a joint ¨¤ l¡¯augmentation du travail celle du gain; et on est parvenu ¨¤ leur faire aimer leur condition plus que toute autre qu¡¯ils eussent pu prendre.
Il n¡¯y a point de travail si p¨¦nible qu¡¯on ne puissent proportionner ¨¤ la force de celui qui le fait, pourvu que ce soit la raison, et non pas l¡¯avarice, qui le r¨¨gle. On peut, par la commodit¨¦ des machines que l¡¯art invente ou applique, suppl¨¦er au travail forc¨¦ qu¡¯ailleurs on fait faire aux esclaves. (621)
In this optimistic passage, Montesquieu evokes the technological advances that are spurred by natural obstacles. In the same way, obstacles inherent in the work itself must be overcome. If there is a difficult job to be done, the workers must be motivated by good pay. As Montesquieu formulates the problem of the mine, the worker is the first factor he considers. In this description of the mine there is a fixed relationship between the work and the salary of the workers, between the value of the product and the costs of production, between the capital investments in the undertaking and the profit those investments will yield. In order for the mine to remain profitable these relationships must remain constant. A change in one of the elements will cause changes at many other levels. The production of metal alone is not Montesquieu¡¯s sole or even primary interest in mining. In his analysis, the mine becomes a source of scientific discovery and technological advance, it provides sustenance to the miners and contributes to the local, national and international economies. This comprehensive approach is what permits Montesquieu to integrate his analysis of the mine into De l¡¯Esprit des lois. Montesquieu identifies the social and economic ramifications of the mine and applies them to his discussion of governmental forms and organization. A similar approach to other issues, such as religion, is one of the strongest characteristics of Montesquieu¡¯s masterwork.
Beyond this return to the issue of the mine, more general links between the M¨¦moires sur les mines and De l¡¯Esprit des lois are perhaps more tenuous. If we return to the description of the transfer of iron and copper in the first ¡°M¨¦moire,¡± however, we recall that that transfer was characterized by its slowness and by the exact relation that existed between the initial quantity of iron and the copper produced. The theme of relations and proportions is one that is constantly repeated throughout these M¨¦moires, and Montesquieu insists on notions of regularity, steadiness, and continuity. I don¡¯t pretend that there is a direct link here between the early travel writings and the later theoretical work, but I do want to suggest that there is consistency in the way Montesquieu envisages the problems he examines. The mine, and the treatment it receives in the three works we are considering here, illustrate Montesquieu¡¯s preoccupations perfectly.
In his analysis of systems that function well, Montesquieu often returns to the concepts we have identified here. In his political writings, for example, he posits that, while the tyrant can act with violence and speed, moderate forms of government must be characterized by steady, and not rapid, procedings. Neither a moderate government nor the mine can tolerate irregularity. Montesquieu¡¯s ideal of a balanced system of government, in which some factors serve to balance and counteract others, is, of course, one of his most famous ideas. His demonstrations in De l¡¯Esprit des lois often procede by a demonstration of the consequences that result from variations of a single factor in different situations. His attentive analysis of the many factors that govern the mine¡¯s profitability thus prefigures his later work. There, as in these studies of mines, even a small modification in one element of the entire process (the fact that horses will no longer be needed if machines are used, for example) can result in changes of much greater importance in another part of the process.
A reading of the Consid¨¦rations sur les richesses de l¡¯Espagne will reveal the importance we should attribute to the interplay of forces that Montesquieu identifies in the mine economy. The example of the mines in the New World is quite different from that of the Eastern European mines. The Consid¨¦rations lack the scientific and technological commentary present in the M¨¦moires; it is characterized rather by a historical analysis that is almost entirely absent from the M¨¦moires. The results Montesquieu derives from this new example, however, are not surprising. Again he engages in an analysis of various factors that contribute to the mine¡¯s operation and of factors that depend on its production. In this case, at the level of national and international economies, he considers a mine that tends to create an unbalance in a previously existing, stable system of values.
In the initial passages of the Consid¨¦rations, Montesquieu provides a rapid overview of global wealth and precious metal production. His desire to embrace the globality of the problem is even more pronounced here that it was in the M¨¦moires sur les mines. If he wishes to account for Spain¡¯s demise as a world power, he must consider the wealth of rival nations. Montesquieu emphasizes the many connections that exist between modern nations:
A pr¨¦sent que l¡¯univers ne compose presque qu¡¯une nation, que chaque peuple connaît ce qu¡¯il a de trop et ce qui lui manque et cherche ¨¤ se donner les moyens de recevoir, l¡¯or et l¡¯argent se tirent partout de la terre, ces m¨¦taux se transportent partout, chaque peuple se les communique et il n¡¯y a pas une seule nation dont le capital en or et en argent ne grossisse toutes les ann¨¦es, quoique plus promptement et plus abondamment chez les unes que ches les autres. (208)
This opening thus establishes that any significant change in one nation¡¯s wealth will have an effect on the wealth of its neighbors. The value of precious metals in a single nation fluctuates in relation to the quantity of metals possessed by all nations.
Montesquieu enumerates several factors that have been affected by Spain¡¯s sudden increase in wealth and that rapidly redefine previous relationships: other nations fabricate paper money that does not depend on the value of gold, the New World gains disproportionate importance relative to Spain, the king becomes rich as his nation grows poorer. The former prosperity of Spain and the equilibrium that characterized that prosperity are destroyed by the influx of precious metals. These are factors that describe the Spanish situation specifically, and yet Montesquieu is able to link Spain¡¯s situation to a long-established historic precedent. As in De l¡¯Esprit des lois, where references to Rome abound, Montesquieu here uses the past to illuminate the present. He gives examples of other nations whose decline was caused by a reliance on mining and compares these with nations that were successful in avoiding this fate. Those that succeeded were able to make their mines contribute to prosperity in a lasting way:
Et l¡¯argent se trouvant plus abondant dans ces Etats que dans les Etats voisins, les denr¨¦es du pays y ¨¦taient plus ch¨¨res, le travail plus pay¨¦, l¡¯industrie plus encourag¨¦e, les voisins plus excit¨¦s ¨¤ y venir habiter, plus de facilit¨¦ pour satisfaire les besoins de l¡¯Etat et ceux des particuliers. (209)
The difference between the two kinds of nations lies in their ability to control and regulate the value of their products. In order for a nation to maintain economic superiority, it must continue to sell its products abroad and hence must assure that the precious metals never become plentiful in neighboring nations. Its economy will benefit from its abundance of precious metals and from the industry they encourage. If the nation lavishes its resources abroad, however, and does not continue to produce its own products, its wealth will only serve to render its neighbors more powerful. The critical issue is again one of balance¡ªthe balance that should exist between a country¡¯s wealth and the quantity of gold it possesses. When a country is inundated with a sudden influx of gold, this equilibrium is difficult to maintain. Gold no longer represents the real wealth of the nation, its productivity.
In order to elucidate the importance of this balance between monetary wealth and productivity, Montesquieu insists on the fact that gold¡¯s value is only fictitious. In the Consid¨¦rations sur les richesses de l¡¯Espagne, two passages express this idea:
Il y a deux sortes de marchandises: les unes ont un usage naturel et se consument par cet usage, comme le bl¨¦, le vin et les ¨¦toffes; les autres ont un usage de fiction, comme l¡¯or et l¡¯argent. (208)
Je ne saurais assez r¨¦p¨¦ter qu¡¯on a une id¨¦e tr¨¨s fausse du pouvoir de l¡¯or et de l¡¯argent ¨¤ qui l¡¯on attribue [. . .] une vertu r¨¦elle; cette mani¨¨re de penser vient principalement de ce que l¡¯on croit que les Etats les plus puissants ont beaucoup d¡¯or et d¡¯argent; mais la raison en est que leur bonne police, la bont¨¦ et la culture de leurs terres l¡¯y attirent n¨¦cessairement, et l¡¯on fait de ces m¨¦taux une cause de la puissance de ces Etats quoiqu¡¯ils n¡¯en soient que le signe. (210)
These two passages summarize Montesquieu¡¯s thought about the real function of money and reveal the danger of the gold and silver mines. There is a tendency to attribute too great a value to the metals themselves and to forget that these metals only represent other kinds of wealth. Spain thus made the error of consecrating its energy exclusively to the production of gold. By favoring the signifying element, Spain neglected that which it signified: ¡°Les Espagnols ayant conquis le Mexique et le P¨¦rou abandonn¨¨rent les sources des richesses naturelles pour des richesses de fiction, et la vue du profit du moment pr¨¦sent les rendît enti¨¨rement dupes¡± (208). It is this aspect of the American mines which renders them destructive. By destabilizing monetary value, they create illusions of instantaneous wealth. The mines lead to the belief that the signifier can exist without the signified.
The importance of the relationship between the Consid¨¦rations sur les richesse de l¡¯Espagne and the M¨¦moires sur les mines should now begin to be clear. The M¨¦moires describe a state of harmony. They emphasize the bonne police that regulates the exploitation of the German and Hungarian mines. The Consid¨¦rations, on the other hand, describe a state of discord. In this case exploitation becomes an abuse. We saw in the M¨¦moires the broad scope of scientific, technological, sociological and economic benefits to be gained from the mine. The mine was a source of prosperity and of lasting progress for the nation, contributing to the nation¡¯s wealth. The Spanish mines have exactly the opposite effect. The Consid¨¦rations describe the collapse of the Spanish economy. The happiness of the miners in the European mines is opposed to the misery of the American slaves. The virtues of industry have become the vices of speculation.
Montesquieu attributes this change in effect to one factor: a breaking of equilibrium in the system of values. The value of gold diminishes as the Spanish continue to bring it to Europe in ever increasing quantities. The system loses the equilibrium that was possible in Eastern Europe where the product of the mines was steadily consumed. By creating an enormous increase in the world¡¯s gold reserves, the Spanish destroy the validity of old equations of value.
The consequences of the Spanish indiscretions are exposed in De l¡¯Esprit des lois, books XXI and XXII, in which Montesquieu discusses trade and the use of money. For this purpose, Montesquieu adapts a large portion of the Consid¨¦rations and repeats his opinion that Spain¡¯s fall is due to its rapid increase in wealth. The interest of this adaptation of the earlier work stems from the position of these remarks in the body of the entire masterwork.
A discussion of navigation, the discovery of America, and trade with the New World precedes the quotations from the Consid¨¦rations. In Book XXI of De l¡¯Esprit des lois (the actual quotation is found in Book XXII), Montesquieu describes the benefits that most European countries have drawn from the new lands. Only Spain has failed to profit from the trade that has sprung from their discovery:
Les Espagnols regard¨¨rent d¡¯abord les terres d¨¦couvertes comme des objets de conqu¨ºte: des peuples plus raffin¨¦s qu¡¯eux trouv¨¨rent qu¡¯elles ¨¦taient des objets de commerce, et c¡¯est l¨¤-dessus qu¡¯ils dirig¨¨rent leurs vues. Plusieurs peuples se sont conduits avec tant de sagesse, qu¡¯ils ont donn¨¦ l¡¯empire ¨¤ des compagnies de n¨¦gociants, qui, gouvernant ces Etats ¨¦loign¨¦s uniquement pour le n¨¦goce, ont fait une grande puissance accessoire, sans embarrasser l¡¯Etat principal. (673)
One of the faults Montesquieu identifies in Spain¡¯s conduct is the fact that its colonies have come to dominate it. This is a grave error since the profitability of trade for the European countries depends on the stable maintenance of a strict hierarchical relationship. The failure of Spain to exploit its colonies in this way is illuminated by the success of other nations.
The description of money and its use which follows the chapters on trade completes Montesquieu¡¯s examination of Spain¡¯s downfall. In Book XXII of De l¡¯Esprit des lois, Montesquieu again explains his theory of monetary value. His definition of currencies as ¡°signes des valeurs¡± echoes the discussion in the Consid¨¦rations:
Comme l¡¯argent est le signe des valeurs des marchandises, le papier est un signe de la valeur de l¡¯argent; et, lorsqu¡¯il est bon, il le repr¨¦sente tellement, que, quant ¨¤ l¡¯effet, il n¡¯y a point de diff¨¦rence.
De m¨ºme que l¡¯argent est un signe d¡¯une chose, et la repr¨¦sente, chaque chose est un signe de l¡¯argent, et le repr¨¦sente; et l¡¯Etat est dans la prosp¨¦rit¨¦, selon que, d¡¯un côt¨¦, l¡¯argent repr¨¦sente bien toutes choses, et que, d¡¯un autre, toutes choses repr¨¦sentent bien l¡¯argent, et qu¡¯ils sont signes les uns des autres; c¡¯est-¨¤-dire que, dans leur valeur relative, on peut avoir l¡¯un sitôt que l¡¯on a l¡¯autre. Cela n¡¯arrive jamais que dans un gouvernement mod¨¦r¨¦, mais n¡¯arrive pas toujours dans un gouvernement mod¨¦r¨¦ [. . .]. A l¡¯¨¦gard du gouvernement despotique, ce serait un prodige si les choses y repr¨¦sentaient leur signe: la tyrannie et la m¨¦fiance font que tout le monde y enterre son argent: les choses n¡¯y repr¨¦sentent donc point l¡¯argent. (676)
Montesquieu emphasizes the equilibrium that must exist between the monetary sign and the materials it is intended to represent. Here in De l¡¯Esprit des lois, Montesquieu repeats the claim that he made in the Consid¨¦rations: Spain¡¯s problems result from a rupture in this equilibrium. He first describes the ideal state of things and then contrasts this with conditions in Spain:
Une plus grande quantit¨¦ d¡¯or et d¡¯argent est donc favorable lorsqu¡¯on regarde ces m¨¦taux comme marchandise: elle ne l¡¯est point lorsqu¡¯on les regarde comme signe, parce que leur abondance choque leur qualit¨¦ de signe, qui est beaucoup fond¨¦e sur la raret¨¦. (677)
Une grande quantit¨¦ d¡¯argent fut tout ¨¤ coup port¨¦e en Europe: bientôt moins de personnes eurent besoin d¡¯argent; le prix de toutes choses augmenta, et celui de l¡¯argent diminua; la proportion fut donc rompue, toutes les anciennes dettes furent ¨¦teintes. On peut se rappeler le temps du Syst¨¨me, o¨´ toutes les choses avaient une grande valeur, except¨¦ l¡¯argent. (677)
Increasingly, Montesquieu turns his attention toward the establishment of values. By mentioning the ¡°Syst¨¨me¡±¡ªthe monetary system instituted by John Law during the Regency¡ªMontesquieu reminds us of the societal upheavals that he criticized in the Lettres persanes.[3] In both cases¡ªfollowing the discovery of the mines and during the time of the ¡°Syst¨¨me¡±¡ªMontesquieu sees a moment when the former value of things is suddenly modified. The suddenness and violence of this change resembles the changes that can take place under a despotic government where the momentary will of the tyrant controls everything. In both situations, stability is impossible.
Various critics have suggested that the destabilization of values, the absence of efficient means for clearly fixing the identity of things, is one the problems that dominates Montesquieu¡¯s works.[4] Paul Val¨¦ry, in his ¡°Introduction aux Lettres persanes,¡± emphasizes the freedom of thought that is found in the Lettres and reveals the euphoria, but also the unease, that reigns when a nation begins to recognize the instability of its values (509-17). Val¨¦ry maintains that it is the tension between order and disorder that creates the charm of the Lettres persanes. But instability and the overthrow of established values offend Montesquieu¡¯s instincts. Alhough he used these elements to render his Lettres more provocative and to criticize Regency society, this is no longer Montesquieu¡¯s goal in De l¡¯Esprit des lois. Here his desire is to create stability. He seeks stability in government, in the principles on which the forms of government reside, in monetary value, in the application of laws, in religious doctrine, in national mores, and in attempted reforms. Even his adherence to the interests of the nobility and his lifestyle as a country gentleman might in part be interpreted in this light.
The concern for stability explains Montesquieu¡¯s interest in the mine. In the mine he finds an image that represents in one case the positive side of the question, and in another case the negative. In the European mine he finds a regular, modest production that contributes to the lasting prosperity of an entire nation. This mine easily assumes its place in an established, stable system. Montesquieu¡¯s analysis reveals the harmonious workings of a complex series of relationships. The American gold mines have none of these characteristics; they destroy existing values and ruin the Spanish empire. Montesquieu¡¯s attention to interrelationships, his admiration for stability, his mistrust of arbitrariness and hastiness, the importance he attributes to a set of fixed values: all of these are characteristics of the entirety of his writings.
Works Cited
Althusser, Louis. ¡°Montesquieu: Politics and History.¡± Politics and History: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hegel and Marx. Trans. Ben Brewster. 2nd ed. London: NLB, 1977. 13-109.
Kuhfuss, Walter. Mäßigung und Politik: Studien zur politischen Sprache und Theorie Montesquieus. M¨¹nchen: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1975.
Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat de. Œuvres compl¨¨tes. Ed. Daniel Oster. Paris: Aux Editions du Seuil, 1964.
Val¨¦ry, Paul. ¡°Pr¨¦face aux Lettres Persanes.¡± Œuvres. Vol. 1. Ed. Jean Hytier. Paris: Gallimard, 1957. 508-17. 2 vols.
[1]All subsequent references to Montesquieu¡¯s works will be cited by page number in the Int¨¦grale edition of the Œuvres compl¨¨tes, ed. Daniel Oster.
[2]My analysis, I believe, approaches the emphasis Louis Althusser places on understanding the the relation between the nature and the principle of government as a totality. As Althusser shows, Montesquieu attributes greater importance to the study of the interaction of the two factors than to their simple identification. See Louis Althusser (43-60).
[3]Letters 138, 142 and 146 present thinly disguised portraits of Law and his Syst¨¨me.
[4]See, for example, Walter Kuhfuss¡¯s comments on Montesquieu¡¯s concerns about the need carefully to define all terminology (23-24).